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Part I: Johnson's Thesis in Light
of Colonel H.S. Olcott's
Testimony about the Masters
-Daniel Caldwell
In this paper I will give a critique of K. Paul Johnson's thesis relating
to H.P. Blavatskys Masters Morya and Koot Hoomi. Johnson has presented
his views on the subject in three books: In Search Of The Masters (privately
published, 1990); The Masters Revealed (State University of New York
Press, 1994); and Initiates Of Theosophical Masters (State University
of New York Press, 1995). Johnson has also summarized his thesis on these
two Masters in an article titled "Imaginary Mahatmas" and published
in the Summer, 1993 issue of Gnosis Magazine.To set the stage, I
quote three extracts from Dr. Joscelyn Godwin's Foreword to The Masters
Revealed. These extracts outline succinctly Johnsons argument:
"The principal Masters in question were Koot Hoomi and Morya, supposedly
residents of Shigatse in Tibet...." (p. xv) "The theme of
this book is that HPB's Masters were not the Himalayan sages whom she
invented to distract her co-workers...." (p. xviii) "Mr. Johnson's
suggestion---and he makes it clear that it is no more than that---is
that the Mahatmas Morya and Koot Hoomi are fictitious Tibetan personae
that conceal well-documented historical figures: Ranbir Singh and Thakar
Singh." (p. xviii)
Johnson in his own Introduction to The Masters Revealed summarizes
this hypothesis as follows:
"Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia, founding president of the Amritsar
Singh Sabha, corresponds in intriguing ways to clues about Koot Hoomi's
identity in the writings of Olcott and HPB.... "Maharaja Ranbir
Singh of Kashmir has many correspondences to Morya as described by HPB....
"Although much of HPB's portrayal of Morya and Koot Hoomi was designed
to mislead in order to protect their privacy, enough accurate information
was included to make a persuasive case for their identities as these
historical figures...." (pp. 5-6.)
Although Godwin tells the reader that Johnson is only making a "suggestion,"
Johnson himself claims he is presenting "a persuasive case."
Elsewhere in the same book, even Johnson writes "that K.H. was Thakar
Singh is a suggestion which will meet vigorous resistance due to
its unwelcome implications...." Italics added (p. 172) My understanding
of these words leads me to believe that there is a considerable difference
between a "suggestion" and "a persuasive case." Has
Godwin misunderstood Johnsons claim or has Johnson inadvertently
misstated his own position?On Alt.Religion.Eckankar (an Internet
discussion group), Johnson has posted a message (dated July 15, 1996)
in which he writes:
"If I can prove to the satisfaction of many scholars
that Mme. Blavatsky fictionalized her Masters, and that the personae
of Morya and Koot Hoomi are covers for other people, that does not
detract one iota from the truth of the spiritual principles enunciated
by her or the alleged Masters. But it does pull the rug out from under
Alice Bailey, Elizabeth Clare Prophet, C.W. Leadbeater, and others who
claim to have been in subsequent telepathic contact with the very people
who can be shown to have been fictionalizations of quite different people."
Italics added.
Is Johnson now claiming he has proven "to the satisfaction
of many scholars" his thesis concerning M. and K.H.? Apparently Johnsons
claim has evolved into something much more substantial than a mere "suggestion."When
Johnson writes that "
much of HPB's portrayal of Morya and Koot
Hoomi was designed to mislead in order to protect their privacy, [but]
enough accurate information was included.....", the reader should
be aware that this is Johnsons claim and interpretation.
And in this claim, Johnson makes a number of assumptions. A few of these
assumptions are: (1) HPB gave out both misleading as well as accurate
information about these Masters. (2) Johnson believes that he can
tell when the information is misleading or when it is accurate. How does
Johnson discern between the two kinds of information? What criteria does
Johnson use to judge if a piece of information is "misleading"
or "accurate"?On Theos-Roots (an Internet Theosophical
discussion group), Johnson has written about various criticisms directed
toward his books. One excerpt reads: "The general Theosophical attack
against my work has seemed opposed not just to my particular hypotheses,
but to the entire enterprise of identifying the Masters." [October
16, 1995 e-mail posting.] I can only speak for myself. In my criticisms
of his thesis, I have never objected to Johnsons "enterprise
of identifying the Masters." I believe this is a worthwhile historical
project; I see nothing wrong with this endeavor. Johnson is to be commended
on his efforts in this direction. No doubt, Johnson has devoted a great
deal of hard work, time and money to his research. But having said this,
I am opposed to Johnson's particular hypotheses about the Masters
Morya and Koot Hoomi for various reasons which I will present in this
paper.One of my criticisms is that K. Paul Johnson ignores the majority
of the evidence and testimony concerning the Masters Morya and Koot Hoomi.
In fact, much of this ignored evidence and testimony can be used
to refute Johnson's hypotheses. A well-known physicist, the late Dr. Richard
Feynman, once made some important comments which I believe are relevant
and applicable to Johnsons presentation of his thesis on the Masters:
"Details that could throw doubt on your interpretation
must be given, if you know them. You must do the best you can---if you
know anything at all wrong, or possibly wrong---to explain it. If
you make a theory, for example, and advertise it, or put it out, then
you must also put down all the facts that disagree with it, as well
as those that agree with it . . . ." Italics added.
Unfortunately, Johnson did not follow Feynmans advice when
writing his three books on the Theosophical Masters. Hence, a reader---unacquainted
and uninformed about early Theosophical history---will not be in
a good position to judge the validity of Johnsons hypotheses.Let
me explain. Richard Hodgsons 1885 Society for Psychical Research
Report (charging HPB with fraud and declaring that her Masters were fictional)
may appear convincing if one only looks at what Hodgson presents in the
pages of his Report. But if you start searching for more evidence outside
this Report, you may begin to doubt the soundness of Hodgsons charges.
For example, in dealing with the testimony pertaining to the existence
of HPBs Masters, Hodgson omits or downplays Colonel Henry S. Olcotts
testimony about these Masters. Unless one consults other sources, the
reader of Hodgsons Report would never know the extent of Olcotts
close encounters with the Masters Morya and Koot Hoomi.
Hodgson violates the Feynman rule. It is my opinion that Hodgson is not
dealing with this issue of the Masters in a fair and impartial manner.
Hodgsons Report does not provide its readers with vital details
and information concerning HPB and the Masters. In other words, Richard
Hodgson omits or downplays evidence that might show that his hypotheses
about H.P.B. and the Masters have serious deficiencies. I believe this
same criticism can be made of Johnsons presentation of his thesis
on the Theosophical Masters.Let me illustrate my criticism of Johnsons
thesis with the following example. Colonel Olcott gives a firsthand description
of an encounter with the Master Morya. He states that this Master came
on horseback to the Bombay Theosophical Society headquarters:
"[I] had visit in body of the Sahib [Morya]!! [He] sent
Babula to my room to call me to H.P.B.'s bungalow, and there we had
a most important private interview...." (Extract from Olcott's
handwritten diary for Tuesday, July 15, 1879.)
In a letter to A.O. Hume, Olcott describes this same July 1879 meeting
in greater detail:
"This same Brother once visited me in the flesh at Bombay,
coming in full day light, and on horseback. He had me called by a servant
into the front room of H.P.B.'s bungalow (she being at the time in the
other bungalow talking with those who were there). He [Morya] came to
scold me roundly for something I had done in T.S. matters, and as H.P.B.
was also to blame, he telegraphed to her to come, that is to
say, he turned his face and extended his finger in the direction of
the place she was in. She came over at once with a rush, and seeing
him dropped to her knees and paid him reverence. My voice and his had
been heard by those in the other bungalow, but only H.P.B. and I, and
the servant saw him." (Extract from a letter written by
Colonel Olcott to A.O. Hume on Sept. 30, 1881. Quoted in Hints On
Esoteric Theosophy, No. 1, 1882, p. 80.)
In the spring of 1884, Olcott was interviewed by certain members of the
Society for Psychical Research (London) and was asked about his Bombay
encounter with the Master Morya:
"MR. MYERS [speaking to Colonel Olcott]: We want now an account
of seeing your Teacher in the flesh. COLONEL OLCOTT [in reply]: One
day at Bombay I was at work in my office when a Hindu servant came and
told me that a gentleman wanted to see me in Madame Blavatsky's bungalow---a
separate house within the same enclosure as the main building. This
was one day in 1879. I went and found alone there my Teacher. Madame
Blavatsky was then engaged in animated conversation with other persons
in the other bungalow. The interview between the Teacher and myself
lasted perhaps 10 minutes, and it related to matters of a private nature
with respect to myself and certain current events in the history of
the Society..... MR. MYERS [asking Olcott another question]: How do
you know that your Teacher was in actual flesh and blood on that occasion?
COLONEL OLCOTT [replies]: He put his hand upon my head, and his hand
was perfectly substantial; and he had altogether the appearance of an
ordinary person. When he walked about the floor there was noise of his
footsteps....He came to our place on horseback.... MR. MYERS [with another
question]: Was that the only occasion on which you have seen him in
the flesh? COLONEL OLCOTT: No; I have seen him at other times. MR. MYERS:
Have you seen him three or four times in the flesh? COLONEL OLCOTT:
Yes, more than that, but not under circumstances where it would be evidence
for others. MR. MYERS: And about how many times [have you seen him]
in the astral body? COLONEL OLCOTT: Oh, at least 15 or 20 times. MR.
MYERS: And his appearance on all those occasions has been quite unmistakable?
COLONEL OLCOTT: As unmistakable as the appearance of either of you gentlemen."
(Extracts from the interview Olcott had with members of the London S.P.R.
Committee. Quoted from First Report Of The Committee Of The Society
For Psychical Research, Appointed To Investigate The Evidence For Marvellous
Phenomena Offered By Certain Members Of The Theosophical Society,
1884, pp. 45-48.)In the above accounts, Olcott says that the Master Morya
came "in the flesh" and "on horseback." Furthermore,
Morya's voice "had been heard by those in the other bungalow."
How does K. Paul Johnson explain this Bombay incident of July, 1879? Is
this "Brother" somehow to be identified with Ranbir Singh, the
Maharaja of Kashmir? Or is this "Brother" the Morya "persona"?
Or is this "Brother" someone else?To begin with, Johnson ignores
this incident in his three books. Readers of Johnson's books are not given
the details on this and similar meetings Olcott had with this Master.
In correspondence, Johnson has told me that he does not believe
that this "Master" visiting T.S. Headquarters was Ranbir Singh,
who would have had to travel a considerable distance from Kashmir to visit
HPB and Olcott in Bombay. Then who was this Master? Johnson has
not attempted to explain Olcott's accounts of this event.As previously
stated, Johnson believes that the Mahatma Morya is a fictitious
Tibetan persona that conceals a well-documented historical figure---Ranbir
Singh, the Maharaja of Kashmir. In light of this assertion, what is a
historian to conclude about Colonel Olcott's testimony of the Master Morya
riding up on horseback to Bombay T.S. Headquarters in July, 1879? I maintain
that Olcott's account has some relevance (if not considerable
relevance) in assessing the validity of Johnson's hypothesis that the
real flesh and blood person behind the fictitious Morya
"persona" was Maharaja Ranbir Singh.Johnson may complain that
this particular criticism of his thesis is not of any great importance.
But Johnson has likewise criticized authors for ignoring relevant evidence.
I will mention only one example. In reviewing a Blavatsky biography by
Noel Richard-Nafarre, Johnson points out that:
"While Richard-Nafarre refers to all these sources,
he never mentions any discrepancies, thus evading the challenges of
explaining them. Evasion is also found in selective use of Albert Rawsons
testimony. . . . Richard-Nafarre ignores this evidence. . .presumably
because it conflicts with other sources he prefers." (Quoted from
Johnsons book review in Theosophical History, Oct. 1992-Jan.
1993, p. 159)
Last year, I again asked Johnson whether this man who rode up on horseback
to T.S. Headquarters could be Maharaja Ranbir Singh. And in a public e-mail
posting on Theos-Roots (Oct 16, 1995) Johnson replies:
"I don't regard it as impossible, but implausible. [I] could
not find evidence as to Ranbir's whereabouts at the time, but at any
rate he was unlikely to travel alone."
Yes, I agree with Johnson that the monarch of a kingdom would probably
not travel alone but in fact would travel with his guards, servants, etc.
If Ranbir Singh traveled all the way from Kashmir to Bombay, his visit
should be documented in historical records such as the various Indian
newspapers, etc. So a perceptive reader might ask: Is something wrong
here? Is Johnson's hypothesis (about Ranbir Singh/Morya) untrue? Or is
something wrong with Colonel Olcott's testimony?Johnson in his e-mail
comments (Oct. 16, 1995) also says that this July 1879 account of Morya
coming to see Olcott is "of little use in providing a historical
identification." He goes on to point out:
If you want to use it as weight against another identification
[like Johnson's own Ranbir Singh identification??]....fine. But it lacks
much weight when there is no confirmation of the account...."
To begin with, the name "Morya" is a pseudonym or an initiate
name and is not the "birth name" of this particular Master.
Many years ago, I knew a man whose name was Sarmad; but this was not his
birth name. Sarmad was his initiation name which he received when he became
a Sufi. Most of his friends only knew him as Sarmad; I can't even remember
his real name. So when Johnson writes that this July 1879 encounter is
"of little use in providing a historical identification" of
Morya, I would agree that Olcotts account does not tell us
the birth name of Morya. But unless Johnson has some other good reason
for discounting this narrative, Olcott's testimony places the
physical man known by his "pseudonym" Morya at 108 Girgaum Back
Road, Bombay on July 15, 1879. And if the real flesh and blood Morya
was at Bombay on that particular July day while Maharaja Ranbir Singh
was residing in Kashmir, cannot one reasonably conclude that Ranbir Singh
has no "connection" whatsoever to the Master Morya?In the latter
part of Johnson's comment quoted above, he writes: "[the account]
. . . lacks much weight when there is no confirmation of the account."
What does Johnson mean? Confirmation of the account by finding some document
that will lead to the Master's "real name"? Or does Johnson
imply by "confirmation of the account" that there should be
some other person or persons (non-theosophical??) who saw the Master at
Girgaum Back Road on that date?Would Johnson take HPB's testimony as "confirmation
of the account"? HPB in an 1886 letter to Franz Hartmann wrote:
"When we arrived [in India], and Master [Morya] coming
to Bombay bodily, paid a visit to us at Girgaum....Olcott became crazy.
He was like Balaam's she-ass when she saw the angel!...." (The
Path, New York, March, 1896, p. 370)
On p. 10 of The Masters Revealed, Johnson refers to this same H.P.B.
quote, but paraphrases it: "...Olcott met one [Master] in person
at Bombay...." Johnson neither gives the name of the Master nor elaborates
on this reference to a Master in Bombay. In another section of The
Masters Revealed (p. 144-145), Johnson, in hope of finding an additional
fragment of evidence to "lend support to the identification of Ranbir
Singh as the prototype for Morya", quotes some words from an 1890
letter written by H.P.B. Johnson writes: "...H.P.B. refers to Olcott's
having met two Masters in person, one in Bombay and the other in
Cashmere. " Johnson then makes a comment on the latter part
of HPB's words:
"Olcott's only trip to Ranbir's kingdom was his 1883
journey to Jammu, but according to his own account of his visit there,
he met no Mahatma, spending all his time in the company of the maharaja."
It would seem that Johnson wants to infer that HPB's own words somehow
support his hypothesis of "the identification of Ranbir Singh as
the prototype for Morya." But what Johnson does not comment
on are the other words of HPB: "one [Master] in Bombay". Who
was this Master? Johnson is silent on this question.
But from HPB's own letter of 1886 and Olcott's accounts of 1879, 1881
and 1884, it is obvious (at least to me) that the Master in Bombay was
Morya. HPB's "confirmation" of Olcott's account is probably
unsatisfactory for Johnson, but note well that Johnson is not hesitant
to quote HPB when her words might support his speculation.Johnson
again writes to me in his Oct. 16, 1995 e-mail:
"...my procedure [used in his books] was to comb through
the Theosophical literature looking for clues that are specific enough
to point to specific prototypes or identifications for the Masters.
Passages such as the one you cite [Olcott's 1879 account] are not
useful in that way. I have said that passages such as the one you
cite could be used as disproof of ANY identification one
could make, and therefore that their evidentiary value is weak."
If I understand Johnson, then he is saying that accounts of meetings with
a Master similar to the 1879 Bombay account have little evidentiary value
because such accounts do not point to a specific historical identification
of the Master.Then near the end of his posting (Oct. 16, 1995), Johnson
points the finger at me:
"You...assume the accuracy of accounts [of meetings with
the Masters] by the Founders [Olcott and H.P.B.] even when there is
no evidence to confirm them. This will only fly with a Theosophical
audience." Italics added.
The intended meaning of the clause "even when there is no evidence
to confirm them" is somewhat vague. Does Johnson mean "evidence"
that is given by non-theosophical witnesses? Or evidence found in non-theosophical,
historical sources? What kind of "evidence" confirming the accuracy
of the accounts by the Founders would fly with a non-Theosophical
audience? Johnson appears to be asserting that the 1879 account and similar
ones are not confirmed by such evidence.But in his own published
writings has K. Paul Johnson also assumed the accuracy of accounts by
the Founders even when there is no evidence to confirm them?Furthermore,
has Johnson used only accounts of a Master where the historical identification
of the Master has been specific and documented? Or has Johnson quoted
and used accounts similar to the 1879 one---where there is nothing
that would help us to identify the real name of the Master; or where there
are no independent records or neutral witnesses (other than Olcott, HPB
or some other Theosophical witness)---to validate his own thesis?I
will now examine in some detail four accounts given by Henry Olcott
of his meetings with the Masters and see how K. Paul Johnson uses these
same accounts by Olcott to support his own thesis.(I) OLCOTT'S ACCOUNT
OF MEETING OOTON LIATTO.Johnson devotes a chapter of his work The Masters
Revealed (pp. 59-62) to Olcott's encounter with Ooton Liatto and another
unnamed Adept. Johnson identifies Ooton Liatto with the Theosophical adept
Hilarion Smerdis. He writes:
". . . in May 1875, HPB's scrapbook noted that Hilarion and
a companion passed thro[ough] New York & Boston, thence
thro[ough] California and Japan back.. . .A recent discovery
by Joscelyn Godwin provides intriguing evidence for the visit to New
York by Hilarion mentioned in HPB's diary [scrapbook?] in 1875....A
letter from Olcott...describes meeting an adept....at 433 West 34th
Street." (pp. 59-60)
Here are relevant extracts from Olcott's letter (dated late 1875 or early
1876):
"...I was reading in my room yesterday (Sunday) when there
came a tap at the door---I said come in and there entered
the [younger] Bro[ther] with another dark skinned gentleman of about
fifty....We took cigars and chatted for a while....[Then Olcott relates
that a rain shower started in the room. Olcott continues the
account:] They sat there and quietly smoked their cigars, while mine
became too wet to burn....finally the younger of the two (who gave
me his name as Ooton Liatto) said I needn't worry nothing would be
damaged....I asked Liatto if he knew Madam B[lavatsky]....the elder
Bro[ther]...[said] that with her permission they would call upon her.
I ran downstairs---rushed into Madams parlour---and---there sat these
same two identical men smoking with her and chatting....I said nothing
but rushed up stairs again tore open my door and---the men were not
there---I ran down again, they had disappeared---I . . . looked out
the window---and saw them turning the corner...." (Olcotts
account is given in full in Theosophical History, Jan., 1994.)
Commenting on Olcotts story, Johnson makes the following highly
significant admission:
"The names Ooton Liatto and Hilarion Smerdis have been equally
impossible to find in biographical and historical reference books.
While both may be pseudonyms, there is little doubt that two real
adepts visited Olcott in New York." (p. 62)
What are Johnson's conclusions about Olcotts testimony?(1) Johnson
accepts the accuracy and truthfulness of Olcott's account.(2) Johnson
believes that two real adepts visited Olcott in New York City.
Note the phrase: "...there is little doubt [at least in Johnson's
mind]...."(3) Johnson also admits that the two names were not located
in any biographical and historical reference books; both names "may
be pseudonyms."(4) Johnson accepts the account at face value
even though there is only Olcott's account of this particular visit. (Johnson
also cites HPBs testimony from her scrapbook that Hilarion was in
New York in May, 1875.)How does this account by Olcott in 1875-76 significantly
differ from the one given by Olcott of the Master Morya coming to Bombay
headquarters in 1879? When criticizing Johnsons thesis, I cited
the 1879 account of Morya as evidence that Olcott had met in Bombay a
real adept whose pseudonym was "Morya". In reply, Johnson
did not hesitate to point out the following:
[1] "[The July 1879 account is]...of little use in providing
a historical identification...If you want to use it as weight against
another identification...fine. But it lacks much weight when there
is no confirmation of the account." [2] "...I have said
that passages such as the one you cite [the July 1879 account] could
be used as disproof of ANY identification one could make,
and therefore that their evidentiary value is weak." [3] "You...assume
the accuracy of accounts by the Founders even when there is no evidence
to confirm them. This will only fly with a Theosophical audience."
Could not one reasonably apply these three points to Johnson's own
conclusions regarding Olcott's account of Ooton Liatto? Johnson's
point [3] could be reworded: "You, Paul Johnson, assume the accuracy
of this 1875-1876 account by Olcott even when there is no other evidence
to confirm it. This will only fly with a Theosophical audience!"To
rebut Johnson's dismissive attitude toward the evidentiary significance
of Olcott's account of Morya visiting him in Bombay, one can take Johnson's
own summarizing sentences to the chapter on "Ooton Liatoo" and
rephrase them as follows: "The name Morya has been impossible to
find in biographical and historical reference books of 19th century persons.
While it may be a pseudonym, there is little doubt that a real adept visited
Olcott in Bombay on July 15, 1879."Going to the heart of Johnsons
thesis, if we can reasonably conclude that the Adept Morya ("in the
flesh...and on horseback") visited Olcott in Bombay, what impact
does this account by Olcott (and similar accounts by Olcott and
other witnesses) have on Johnson's speculation that Morya is a fictitious
Tibetan persona? If Johnson regards it as "implausible" that
Ranbir Singh was actually in Bombay on that July 1879 day, then is it
not fair to suggest that Johnson's own hypothesis is just as doubtful?
- ACCOUNT OF OLCOTT'S MEETING WITH A MAHATMA ON AUGUST 4, 1880
In Johnson's book In Search Of The Masters, a chapter is devoted
to Jamal ad-Din 'al-Afghani, "a Muslim politician, political agitator,
and journalist" (as described in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica,
15th Edition). Johnson writes on p. 193 of that chapter:
"In light of available knowledge of Afghani's comings
and goings in India, can he be connected to the Founders of the Theosophical
Society? The evidence is intriguing if not convincing. The first problem
is that Olcott rarely identifies adepts when they appear in his narrative,
beyond the fact of their status as such. Thus, on August 4, 1880, [Olcott
tells us that] a Mahatma visited H.P.B., and I was called in to
see him before he left. He dictated a long and important letter to an
influential friend of ours at Paris, and gave me important hints about
the management of current Society affairs....[Old Diary Leaves,
Volume II, 1972 printing, p. 208]."
Johnson omits the following picturesque detail from Olcott's account:
"...I left him [the Mahatma] sitting in H.P.B.'s room...." Johnson's
commentary on Olcott's narrative is as follows:
"Although there is no stated identity of this Mahatma,
the mention of Paris rings true, since Afghani was indeed to proceed
to Paris, where he must have had an influential friend from the evidence
presented." Italics added.
What is Johnson's assessment of this account by Olcott?(1) Johnson accepts
the accuracy and truthfulness of Olcott's testimony.(2) Johnson is willing
to believe that a Mahatma in his physical body visited both Olcott
and HPB on August 4, 1880.(3) Johnson also admits that there is "no
stated identity of this Mahatma"; not even a pseudonym.(4) Johnson
accepts the account at face value even though there is only Olcott's account.How
does this account by Olcott significantly contrast with the account
given by Olcott of the Master Morya coming to Bombay headquarters in 1879?
In accepting this August, 1880 account, does Johnson heed his own advice
to me? "You [Daniel Caldwell]...assume the accuracy of accounts by
the Founders even when there is no evidence to confirm them. This will
only fly with a Theosophical audience."In an April 7, 1993 letter
to Paul Johnson (a letter I wrote at his request for information, input
and criticism), I informed him:
"But had you consulted Olcott's actual handwritten diary
for August 4, 1880, you would have discovered that Olcott identifies
this Mahatma as Morya....Now with this new piece of information
at your disposal, are you still willing to accept Col. Olcott's testimony
of this encounter with a Master [now identified as Morya] at
face value?"
Subsequently, Johnson dropped this August, 1880 account from the chapter
on Afghani in his next book The Masters Revealed.The diary entry
in Olcott's handwriting reads:
"M here this evening & wrote to Fauvety of Paris. He says
5000 English troops killed in Afghanistan in the recent battle. . .
."
I conclude that Fauvety is the "influential friend of ours at Paris"
to whom Morya "dictated a long and important letter." I would
further suggest that Morya dictated this letter to H.P.B. who wrote it
in French to Monsieur Charles Fauvety, President of the Society for Psychological
Studies, Paris. See HPB's Collected Writings, Volume II, pp. 500-507
for a letter dated Bombay, August 5, 1880 written to Charles Fauvety and
signed by "H.P. Blavatsky, Corresponding Secretary of the New York
Theosophical Society."Apparently, Johnson is still unwilling
to accept Olcotts testimony that Morya was in Bombay on Aug. 4,
1880. But in his first book, Johnson was quite ready to speculate without
any concrete evidence that Afghani was the Mahatma sitting in HPBs
room. But when I provided him with a piece of evidence indicating
that the Mahatma in question was Morya, Johnson simply drops the account
from his next book. Is Johnson guilty here of the same kind of evasion
for which he accused Noel Richard-Nafarre? [See p. 5 of this paper.] Had
I not provided him with that crucial piece of evidence, would Johnson
have repeated the incident in The Masters Revealed with the same
speculation that this Mahatma was Afghani?I will summarize what I consider
to be the significance of this August, 1880 narrative by paraphrasing
Johnson's own summary of the Ooton Liatto account: "The names M.
and Morya have been equally impossible to find in biographical and historical
reference books of 19th century persons. While both may be pseudonyms,
there is little doubt that a real adept visited Olcott and H.P.B. in Bombay
on August 4, 1880."Once again, is it "implausible" that
Maharaja Ranbir Singh is the Adept in H.P.B.'s room dictating a letter
to Monsieur Fauvety? And if it is unlikely that this Adept is the Maharaja
of Kashmir, then is it not fair to suggest that Johnson's hypothesis concerning
Ranbir Singh/Morya is also unbelievable?(III) OLCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF MEETING
A MASTER AT THE GOLDEN TEMPLE IN AMRITSAR ON OCTOBER 23, 1880.In The
Masters Revealed, p. 149, Johnson tells us:
"Describing a visit to the Golden Temple in Amritsar on 23
October 1880, [Olcott]. . . writes: ...at a shrine where the
swords, sharp steel discs, coats of mail, and other warlike weapons
of the Sikh warrior priests are exposed to view in charge of the akalis,
I was greeted, to my surprise and joy, with a loving smile by one
of the Masters, who for the moment was figuring among the guardians,
and who gave each of us a fresh rose, with a blessing in his eyes....
[Old Diary Leaves, volume 2, pp. 254-255, 1974 printing.]"
In his remarks on this event, Johnson admits that this Master was "unnamed
by Olcott." Furthermore, Johnson puts H.P. Blavatsky on the witness
stand by quoting from her Caves And Jungles Of Hindustan (p. 209,
1975 edition) where she writes:
"Our new friend was a native of Amritsar, in the Punjab,
and had been brought up in the Golden Temple....Our sannyasin
was...a regular Akali, one of the six hundred warrior-priests
attached to the Golden Temple for the purposes of divine
service and the protection of the Temple....His name was Ram-Ranjit-Das.
. . ."
Johnson then assumes that Olcott and Blavatsky are describing the "same
character":
"It is apparent from Old Diary Leaves and Caves
and Jungles that the same character is described by both as a
Sikh officiating at the Golden Temple, in which he plays a supervisory
role." (p. 151.)
Does Olcott state that this unnamed Master was a Sikh officiating at the
Golden Temple? Olcott's own words are: "...I was greeted, to my surprise
and joy, with a loving smile by one of the Masters, who for the moment
was figuring among the guardians...." Italics added. Does Olcott's
words signify that this Master was one of the guardians? Johnson,
at least, wants to believe this: "It is apparent. . .".Then
Johnson makes another assumption that Olcott's "unnamed" Master
is "Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia, first president of the Singh
Sabha" and "a sirdar from Amritsar." Johnson writes: "Seeking
in and around Amritsar for a Sikh hereditary nobleman and religious functionary
in 1880, one might find dozens of names to choose from." On p. 154,
Johnson gives his reasons for choosing Thakar Singh from the "dozens
of names to choose from."But Johnson does not produce one
non-theosophical historical record that would even suggest
that Blavatsky's "regular Akali" or Olcott's "unnamed Master"
at the Golden Temple was, in fact, Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia. Where was
Thakar Singh on October 23, 1880? Johnson presents no primary source document
to indicate his whereabouts on that day. Then Johnson makes another assumption
that Thakar Singh is actually the Theosophical Mahatma Koot Hoomi (K.H.).
An equation of these assumptions would look as follows:
Unnamed Master = Regular Akali = Officiating Sikh = Thakar Singh = Mahatma
Koot Hoomi
In The Masters Revealed (p. 154), Johnson tells the reader that:
"K.H. dates one of his earliest letters from Amritas
Saras (the Golden Temple) and refers to it as his home, but
he makes it appear that he is only rarely there on visits from Tibet."
Johnson is referring to a letter (dated Oct. 29, 1880) from Master K.H.
to A.P. Sinnett. In this letter, K.H. informs Mr. Sinnett:
"the other day...I was coming down the defiles of [the] Kouenlun
[mountains]---Karakorum you call them. . . .I...was crossing over
to Ladakh on my way home....So I determined to emerge from the seclusion
of many years and spend some time with her [HPB who was then in Amritsar].
I had come for a few days, but now find that I myself cannot endure
for any length of time the stifling magnetism even of my own countrymen.
I have seen some of our proud old Sikhs drunk and staggering over
the marble pavement of their sacred Temple....I turn my face homeward
to-morrow." (Extract from The Mahatma Letters, Letter
No. 5 in the new chronological edition; No. 4 in the older editions).
One can deduce that Koot Hoomi was at the Golden Temple on or about Oct.
29, 1880. But in this same letter, KH tells Sinnett that he had received
a message from Sinnett on Oct. 27th "about thirty miles beyond Rawalpindi"
and "had an acknowledgment wired to you from Jhelum" a few hours
later. Where are these two towns located in India? As the crow flies,
Rawalpindi is located approximately 180 miles northwest of Amritsar; and
Jhelum is about 120 miles northwest of Amritsar.Was Koot Hoomi at the
Golden Temple at Amritsar on October 23, as Johnson asserts? To begin
with, the October 23rd date that Johnson gives for Olcott's encounter
with a Master is wrong. If one carefully reads Olcott's account,
the day of the meeting is October 26th. This date is confirmed by Olcott's
own handwritten diary where the entry for October 26th reads:
"...In the afternoon we went to the Golden Temple again &
found it as lovely as before. Saw some hundreds of fakirs & gossains
more or less ill-favored. A Brother there saluted H.P.B. and me &
gave us each a rose."
Furthermore (according to Mahatma Letter No. 5) on Oct. 26, 1880, Koot
Hoomi was hundreds of miles north of Amritsar, and the next day
(Oct. 27th) he was near Rawalpindi. Subsequently K.H. traveled to Amritsar
and visited the Golden Temple.No doubt, Johnson denies the veracity
of what I have just quoted from the Mahatmas letter. However
Johnson will quote selectively from The Mahatma Letters when some
piece of information might support his hypothesis but when confronted
with information (even in the same Mahatma letter) that negates his speculation,
Johnson labels the latter statement "disinformation", i.e.
as the dictionary defines the word: "false information deliberately...spread...in
order to...obscure the truth." Notice Johnson's comment above: "...but
he [KH] makes it appear that he is only rarely there [in Amritsar]
on visits from Tibet." Italics added. By this ingenious method,
Johnson can discount any evidence that might conflict with his own hypothesis.
I suspect this "method" is akin to Johnson's "Wonderland
logic" that Dr. John Algeo illustrates in his book review of The
Masters Revealed (see Theosophical History, July, 1995,
p. 244).What are Johnson's conclusions concerning these statements about
a Master at the Golden Temple on Oct. 23 (actually Oct 26), 1880?(1) Johnson
accepts the accuracy and truthfulness of Olcott's account. He also accepts
Blavatsky's account.(2) Johnson believes that a physical Master was seen
by Olcott and Blavatsky at the Golden Temple on that Oct. 1880 date.(3)
Johnson admits that the Master is "unnamed by Olcott."(4) Johnson
accepts the testimonies at face value even though there are only the statements
by Olcott and Blavatsky.But for confirmation of his thesis, Johnson does
not cite one historical document that would verify that Thakar
Singh was the "unnamed Master"; he does not give one
source that would substantiate that Thakar Singh was in Amritsar on Oct.
26, 1880. Instead Johnson just piles one assumption on top of another;
a careless reader might conclude that Johnson has really proven something.Regarding
the inclusion of this account in The Masters Revealed, Johnsons
own criticism directed toward me could aptly be paraphrased: "You,
Paul Johnson, assume the accuracy of this Oct. 1880 account by the Founders
even when there is no other evidence to confirm it. This will only fly
with a Theosophical audience."The interested reader might compare
what I have said above concerning this 1880 account with Dr. Algeo's section
on "Kuthumi/Thakar Singh" (pp. 243-244) in his Theosophical
History review.(IV) OLCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF MEETING MASTER KOOT HOOMI
IN NOVEMBER, 1883 ON THE OUTSKIRTS OF LAHORE, INDIA.Colonel Olcotts
account of meeting the Master K.H at Lahore is to be found in the third
volume of Olcotts Old Diary Leaves:
"I was sleeping in my tent, the night of the 19th, when I
rushed back towards external consciousness on feeling a hand laid
on me. The camp being on the open plain, and beyond the protection
of the Lahore Police, my first animal instinct was to protect myself
from a possible religious fanatical assassin, so I clutched the stranger
by the upper arms, and asked him in Hindustani who he was and what
he wanted. It was all done in an instant, and I held the man tight,
as would one who might be attacked the next moment and have to defend
his life. But the next moment a kind, sweet voice said: Do you
not know me? Do you not remember me? It was the voice of the
Master K.H. . . .I relaxed my hold on his arms, joined my palms in
reverential salutation, and wanted to jump out of bed to show him
respect. But his hand and voice stayed me, and after a few sentences
had been exchanged, he took my left hand in his, gathered the fingers
of his right into the palm, and stood quiet beside my cot, from which
I could see his divinely benignant face by the light of the lamp that
burned on a packing-case at his back. Presently I felt some soft substance
forming in my hand, and the next minute the Master laid his kind hand
on my forehead, uttered a blessing, and left my half of the large
tent to visit Mr. W.T. Brown, who slept in the other half behind a
canvas screen that divided the tent into two rooms. When I had time
to pay attention to myself, I found myself holding in my left hand
a folded paper enwrapped in a silken cloth. To go to the lamp, open
and read it, was naturally my first impulse. I found it to be a letter
of private counsel. . . On hearing an exclamation from
[Browns]
side of the screen, I went in there and he showed me a silk-wrapped
letter of like appearance to mine though of different contents, which
he said had been given him much as mine had been to me, and which
we read together. . . .The next evening. . .we two and Damodar sat
in my tent, at 10 oclock, waiting for an expected visit from
Master K.H. . . .We sat on chairs at the back of the tent so as not
to be observed from the camp: the moon was in its last quarter and
had not risen. After some waiting we heard and saw a tall Hindu approaching
from the side of the open plain. He came to within a few yards of
us and beckoned Damodar to come to him, which he did. He told him
that the Master would appear within a few minutes, and that he had
some business with Damodar. It was a pupil of Master K.H. Presently
we saw the latter coming from the same direction, pass his pupil.
. .and stop in front of our group, now standing and saluting in the
Indian fashion, some yards away. Brown and I kept our places, and
Damodar went and conversed for a few minutes with the Teacher, after
which he returned to us and the king-like visitor walked away. I heard
his footsteps on the ground. . . .Before retiring, when I was writing
my Diary, the pupil lifted the portiere, beckoned to me, and
pointed to the figure of his Master [K.H.], waiting for me out on
the plain in the starlight. I went to him, we walked off to a safe
place at some distance where intruders need not be expected, and then
for about a half-hour he told me what I had to know. . . There were
no miracles done at the interview. . .just two men talking together,
a meeting, and a parting when the talk was over. . . ." (pp.
37-39, 43-45, 1972 reprinting.)
On p. 155 of In Search Of The Masters, Olcotts account of
meeting the Mahatma K.H. is given. Johnson then assures us on p. 242 that:
"K.H. did indeed visit Olcott, Damodar and Brown on the edge
of Lahore." Italics added. Here we see that Johnson is quite ready
to believe that Olcott's testimony can be taken at face value.
Johnson is saying, in effect: Yes, Henry Olcott actually did meet "Koot
Hoomi." Of course, it was Thakar Singh.In Johnson's second book The
Masters Revealed, several pages (pp. 157-160) are again devoted to
describing K.H.'s two visits to Lahore in November, 1883. Then in his
latest book Initiates Of Theosophical Masters, Johnson recounts
W.T. Brown's and Damodar Mavalankars meetings with the Master K.H.
at Lahore and Jammu (see pp. 35-41).William T. Brown gives the following
narrative of his meetings with the Master K.H.:
"...Lahore has a special interest, because there we saw,
in his own physical body, Mahatma Koot Hoomi himself. On the afternoon
of the 19th November [1883], I saw the Master in broad daylight, and
recognized him, and on the morning of the 20th he came to my tent....On
the evening of the 21st, after the lecture was over, Colonel Olcott,
Damodar and I were sitting outside the shamiana, (pavilion
or pandal), when we were visited by Djual Khool (the Master's head
Chela, and now an Initiate), who informed us that the Master was about
to come. The Master [KH] then came near to us, gave instructions to
Damodar, and walked away. On leaving Lahore the next place visited
was Jammu, the winter residence of His Highness the Maharajah of Cashmere....At
Jammu I had another opportunity of seeing Mahatma Koot Hoomi in
propria persona. One evening I went to the end of the compound,
(private enclosure) and there I found the Master awaiting my approach.
I saluted in European fashion, and came, hat in hand, to within a
few yards of the place on which he was standing....After a minute
or so he marched away, the noise of his foot-steps on the gravel being
markedly audible
." (Quoted from W.T. Browns pamphlet
Some Experiences In India, 1884, pp. 15-17.)
Concerning this pamphlet by W.T. Brown, Johnson comments as follows in
his Initiates Of Theosophical Masters, p. 35:
"Brown described his background and his experiences with
the Theosophical Masters in a report to the Society for Psychical
Research which was never published during his lifetime. Recently published
for the first time, it makes claims about his encounters with Koot
Hoomi that are so specific as to have possibly raised concerns in
the minds of Olcott and HPB. Although Browns testimony would
seem to be of great value to the TS, it remained unpublished for reasons
unknown. One might speculate that its details about the Masters were
considered too indiscreet for public consumption, especially in the
wake of the Coulomb scandal."
This paragraph by Johnson shows that he is not familiar with many
source documents. Contrary to what Johnson writes, Browns
19-page pamphlet Some Experiences In India was first published
in 1884. I have a photocopy of an original copy which I obtained some
twenty years ago. Browns pamphlet has also been reprinted at least
three times before the 1991 "publication" to which Johnson
makes reference. Browns experiences were not written in a
report for the S.P.R; the pamphlet was "printed under the authority
of the London Lodge of the Theosophical Society." Without obtaining
a copy of the original, Johnson could have consulted the following sources
for correct information on the Brown pamphlet:(1) Dr. James Santucci reprinted
Browns pamphlet in the July-October, 1991 issue of Theosophical
History. Johnson quotes from Browns pamphlet using as his source
this 1991 reprint. But in his introductory remarks on the Brown pamphlet,
Dr. Santucci states:
"W.T. Browns Some Experiences in India, first
published in 1884, comes by way of the archives of the Society of
Psychical Research. Our gratitude is extended to the S.P.R. for allowing
the pamphlet to appear in this issue. . . .The pamphlet. . .is very
rare." (p. 185)
(2) Sylvia Cranston in her 1993 biography of H.P.B. gives the following
bibliographic citation: "Brown, W.T., Some Experiences In India,
London, England, Printed under the authority of the London Lodge of the
T.S., 1884." The Cranston book is listed in the bibliography to Johnsons
Initiates Of Theosophical Masters.(3) In my book The Occult
World Of Madame Blavatsky (which is listed in Johnsons bibliography),
I quote from Browns pamphlet and my endnote (p. 308) reads: "William
T. Brown, Some Experiences In India, London, The London Lodge of
the Theosophical Society, 1884. . . ."(4) In the book Damodar
And The Pioneers Of The Theosophical Movement compiled and edited
by Sven Eek, one can find the same 1884 publication information about
Browns pamphlet on p. 570 with the additional fact that "the
text was reprinted in The Canadian Theosophist, Vol. XXVIII, June,
1947." The Eek book is listed in the bibliography to Johnsons
Initiates Of Theosophical Masters.(5) Most of Browns pamphlet
was reprinted in K.F. Vanias Madame H.P. Blavatsky, Her Occult
Phenomena And The Society For Psychical Research, 1951, pp. 166-174.(6)
Extracts from Browns pamphlet were reprinted as Appendix VII in
the First Report Of The Committee Of The Society For Psychical Research,
Appointed To Investigate The Evidence For Marvellous Phenomena Offered
By Certain Members Of The Theosophical Society, 1884, pp. 83-84. These
extracts give Browns account of meeting the Master K.H. at Lahore
and Jammu.There are at least a half dozen other documents which would
have alerted Johnson that what he wrote regarding Browns "Report"
is full of errors. Some readers may think I am making a mountain out of
a molehill, but Johnsons misinformation about Browns
pamphlet is a pretext for Johnson to hint at some sort of cover-up:
"[Browns Report]. . .makes claims about his encounters
with Koot Hoomi that are so specific as to have possibly raised
concerns in the minds of Olcott and HPB. . . .Browns testimony.
. . remained unpublished for reasons unknown. One might speculate
that its details about the Masters were considered too indiscreet
for public consumption, especially in the wake of the Coulomb
scandal." Italics added.
"One might speculate"? Indeed, Johnson seems quite eager to
speculate on the basis of what turns out to be his own blunder.A brief
extract from the testimony of Damodar K. Mavalankar is given below:
"...[in Lahore] I was visited by him [Mahatma KH] in body,
for three nights consecutively for about three hours every time....[in
Jammu] I had the good fortune of being sent for, and permitted to
visit a Sacred Ashram where I remained for a few days in the
blessed company of several of the much doubted MAHATMAS....There I
met not only my beloved Gurudeva [K.H.] and Col. Olcotts Master
[Morya], but several others of the Fraternity. . . ." (Quoted
from Damodar And The Pioneers Of The Theosophical Movement,
1965, pp. 335-336.)
On Damodar's account, Johnson remarks:
"Damodar had genuinely met Koot Hoomi outside Lahore and
at the palace of Ranbir Singh [at Jammu], and had gone so far as to
publish an account of this exploit in The Theosophist....This
is one of the great true [italics added] Mahatma stories of
Theosophical history...." (Initiates of Theosophical Masters,
p. 40)
What are Johnson's conclusions concerning these testimonies?(1) Johnson
accepts the correctness and truthfulness of the accounts by Olcott, Damodar
and Brown.(2) Johnson is willing to believe that a real Master in his
physical body visited the three Theosophists.(3) Although Johnson
knows that "Koot Hoomi" is a pseudonym, this fact does not keep
Johnson from believing that a real Master visited Olcott, Damodar and
Brown.(4) Johnson accepts the accounts at face value even though these
accounts are by Theosophists. (Johnson elsewhere even asserts that Damodar
was a liar and deceiver yet Johnson is inclined to believe Damodar when
the latter's testimony agrees with Johnson's speculation.)Johnson's acceptance
of these accounts contradicts the three points he brought up in reply
to one of my criticisms. What non-theosophical audience/scholar would
accept the testimony of Olcott and two other Theosophists "when there
is no other [independent/non-theosophical] evidence to confirm" these
accounts?As in the October, 1880 account already reviewed, Johnson cites
no historical records that would even suggest that Thakar Singh was at
Lahore and Jammu on the same dates that Olcott, Damodar and Brown were.
Apparently Johnson just assumes Thakar Singh was at those locations
on those days; he further assumes that Thakar Singh was Koot Hoomi.It
seems to me that Johnson accepts these various accounts at face value
because the events happened in the general vicinity of where Thakar
Singh lived. Johnson is saying in effect: Since I believe KH was really
Thakar Singh and since these events took place in localities relatively
near to where Thakar Singh lived, therefore I will assume . . . .Isn't
this more a leap of faith on Johnsons part than a conclusion based
on careful historical research?In The Masters Revealed (p. 160),
Johnson writes about the Sikh Sirdars that provided traveling accommodations
for Olcott, Damodar and Brown at Lahore. Johnson quotes a passage from
the January, 1884 supplement to The Theosophist which reads:
"His Highness Raja Harbans Singh and other Sirdars
[Johnsons emphasis] sent their conveyances to bring the party
to their quarters...." Johnson then comments on this Theosophist
extract: "Most intriguing in all this are the references to other
Sirdars....The lack of any mention of Thakar Singh's name seems
inevitable if he was indeed the Master K.H."
In his previously mentioned book review, Dr. Algeo provides the following
remark on Johnson's statement:
"By that sort of logic every text that lacks mention of Thakar
Singh becomes evidence of his identity with Kuthumi....."
Algeo then cites a relevant quote from Alice's Adventures in Wonderland
and goes on to say:
"Lack of evidence thus becomes evidence. By [such] Wonderland
logic [that Johnson uses], anything can be proved." (p. 244)
In light of Johnsons own handling of the four accounts by Olcott
cited above, why does Johnson dismiss the July, 1879 narrative in which
Morya rides up on horseback to Bombay T.S. Headquarters to visit with
Olcott and H.P.B.? To briefly review, Johnson says that he ignores (or
evades??) Olcotts 1879 account for the following reasons:In Johnson's
second book The Masters Revealed, several pages (pp. 157-160) are
again devoted to describing K.H.'s two visits to Lahore in November, 1883.
Then in his latest book Initiates Of Theosophical Masters, Johnson
recounts W.T. Brown's and Damodar Mavalankars meetings with the
Master K.H. at Lahore and Jammu (see pp. 35-41).William T. Brown gives
the following narrative of his meetings with the Master K.H.:
"...Lahore has a special interest, because there we saw,
in his own physical body, Mahatma Koot Hoomi himself. On the afternoon
of the 19th November [1883], I saw the Master in broad daylight, and
recognized him, and on the morning of the 20th he came to my tent....On
the evening of the 21st, after the lecture was over, Colonel Olcott,
Damodar and I were sitting outside the shamiana, (pavilion
or pandal), when we were visited by Djual Khool (the Master's head
Chela, and now an Initiate), who informed us that the Master was about
to come. The Master [KH] then came near to us, gave instructions to
Damodar, and walked away. On leaving Lahore the next place visited
was Jammu, the winter residence of His Highness the Maharajah of Cashmere....At
Jammu I had another opportunity of seeing Mahatma Koot Hoomi in
propria persona. One evening I went to the end of the compound,
(private enclosure) and there I found the Master awaiting my approach.
I saluted in European fashion, and came, hat in hand, to within a
few yards of the place on which he was standing....After a minute
or so he marched away, the noise of his foot-steps on the gravel being
markedly audible
." (Quoted from W.T. Browns pamphlet
Some Experiences In India, 1884, pp. 15-17.)
Concerning this pamphlet by W.T. Brown, Johnson comments as follows in
his Initiates Of Theosophical Masters, p. 35:
"Brown described his background and his experiences with
the Theosophical Masters in a report to the Society for Psychical
Research which was never published during his lifetime. Recently published
for the first time, it makes claims about his encounters with Koot
Hoomi that are so specific as to have possibly raised concerns in
the minds of Olcott and HPB. Although Browns testimony would
seem to be of great value to the TS, it remained unpublished for reasons
unknown. One might speculate that its details about the Masters were
considered too indiscreet for public consumption, especially in the
wake of the Coulomb scandal."
This paragraph by Johnson shows that he is not familiar with many
source documents. Contrary to what Johnson writes, Browns
19-page pamphlet Some Experiences In India was first published
in 1884. I have a photocopy of an original copy which I obtained some
twenty years ago. Browns pamphlet has also been reprinted at least
three times before the 1991 "publication" to which Johnson
makes reference. Browns experiences were not written in a
report for the S.P.R; the pamphlet was "printed under the authority
of the London Lodge of the Theosophical Society." Without obtaining
a copy of the original, Johnson could have consulted the following sources
for correct information on the Brown pamphlet:(1) Dr. James Santucci reprinted
Browns pamphlet in the July-October, 1991 issue of Theosophical
History. Johnson quotes from Browns pamphlet using as his source
this 1991 reprint. But in his introductory remarks on the Brown pamphlet,
Dr. Santucci states:
"W.T. Browns Some Experiences in India, first
published in 1884, comes by way of the archives of the Society of
Psychical Research. Our gratitude is extended to the S.P.R. for allowing
the pamphlet to appear in this issue. . . .The pamphlet. . .is very
rare." (p. 185)
(2) Sylvia Cranston in her 1993 biography of H.P.B. gives the following
bibliographic citation: "Brown, W.T., Some Experiences In India,
London, England, Printed under the authority of the London Lodge of the
T.S., 1884." The Cranston book is listed in the bibliography to Johnsons
Initiates Of Theosophical Masters.(3) In my book The Occult
World Of Madame Blavatsky (which is listed in Johnsons bibliography),
I quote from Browns pamphlet and my endnote (p. 308) reads: "William
T. Brown, Some Experiences In India, London, The London Lodge of
the Theosophical Society, 1884. . . ."(4) In the book Damodar
And The Pioneers Of The Theosophical Movement compiled and edited
by Sven Eek, one can find the same 1884 publication information about
Browns pamphlet on p. 570 with the additional fact that "the
text was reprinted in The Canadian Theosophist, Vol. XXVIII, June,
1947." The Eek book is listed in the bibliography to Johnsons
Initiates Of Theosophical Masters.(5) Most of Browns pamphlet
was reprinted in K.F. Vanias Madame H.P. Blavatsky, Her Occult
Phenomena And The Society For Psychical Research, 1951, pp. 166-174.(6)
Extracts from Browns pamphlet were reprinted as Appendix VII in
the First Report Of The Committee Of The Society For Psychical Research,
Appointed To Investigate The Evidence For Marvellous Phenomena Offered
By Certain Members Of The Theosophical Society, 1884, pp. 83-84. These
extracts give Browns account of meeting the Master K.H. at Lahore
and Jammu.There are at least a half dozen other documents which would
have alerted Johnson that what he wrote regarding Browns "Report"
is full of errors. Some readers may think I am making a mountain out of
a molehill, but Johnsons misinformation about Browns
pamphlet is a pretext for Johnson to hint at some sort of cover-up:
"[Browns Report]. . .makes claims about his encounters
with Koot Hoomi that are so specific as to have possibly raised
concerns in the minds of Olcott and HPB. . . .Browns testimony.
. . remained unpublished for reasons unknown. One might speculate
that its details about the Masters were considered too indiscreet
for public consumption, especially in the wake of the Coulomb
scandal." Italics added.
"One might speculate"? Indeed, Johnson seems quite eager to
speculate on the basis of what turns out to be his own blunder.A brief
extract from the testimony of Damodar K. Mavalankar is given below:
"...[in Lahore] I was visited by him [Mahatma KH] in body,
for three nights consecutively for about three hours every time....[in
Jammu] I had the good fortune of being sent for, and permitted to
visit a Sacred Ashram where I remained for a few days in the
blessed company of several of the much doubted MAHATMAS....There I
met not only my beloved Gurudeva [K.H.] and Col. Olcotts Master
[Morya], but several others of the Fraternity. . . ." (Quoted
from Damodar And The Pioneers Of The Theosophical Movement,
1965, pp. 335-336.)
On Damodar's account, Johnson remarks:
"Damodar had genuinely met Koot Hoomi outside Lahore and
at the palace of Ranbir Singh [at Jammu], and had gone so far as to
publish an account of this exploit in The Theosophist....This
is one of the great true [italics added] Mahatma stories of
Theosophical history...." (Initiates of Theosophical Masters,
p. 40)
What are Johnson's conclusions concerning these testimonies?(1) Johnson
accepts the correctness and truthfulness of the accounts by Olcott, Damodar
and Brown.(2) Johnson is willing to believe that a real Master in his
physical body visited the three Theosophists.(3) Although Johnson
knows that "Koot Hoomi" is a pseudonym, this fact does not keep
Johnson from believing that a real Master visited Olcott, Damodar and
Brown.(4) Johnson accepts the accounts at face value even though these
accounts are by Theosophists. (Johnson elsewhere even asserts that Damodar
was a liar and deceiver yet Johnson is inclined to believe Damodar when
the latter's testimony agrees with Johnson's speculation.)Johnson's acceptance
of these accounts contradicts the three points he brought up in reply
to one of my criticisms. What non-theosophical audience/scholar would
accept the testimony of Olcott and two other Theosophists "when there
is no other [independent/non-theosophical] evidence to confirm" these
accounts?As in the October, 1880 account already reviewed, Johnson cites
no historical records that would even suggest that Thakar Singh was at
Lahore and Jammu on the same dates that Olcott, Damodar and Brown were.
Apparently Johnson just assumes Thakar Singh was at those locations
on those days; he further assumes that Thakar Singh was Koot Hoomi.It
seems to me that Johnson accepts these various accounts at face value
because the events happened in the general vicinity of where Thakar
Singh lived. Johnson is saying in effect: Since I believe KH was really
Thakar Singh and since these events took place in localities relatively
near to where Thakar Singh lived, therefore I will assume . . . .Isn't
this more a leap of faith on Johnsons part than a conclusion based
on careful historical research?
[1] "[The July 1879 account is]...of little use in providing
a historical identification...If you want to use it as weight against
another identification...fine. But it lacks much weight when there
is no confirmation of the account." [2] "...I have said
that passages such as the one you cite [the July 1879 account] could
be used as disproof of ANY identification one could make,
and therefore that their evidentiary value is weak." [3] "You...assume
the accuracy of accounts by the Founders even when there is no evidence
to confirm them. This will only fly with a Theosophical audience."
But if one accepts Johnsons threefold line of reasoning, would
not one have to also dismiss the accounts cited by K. Paul Johnson himself
as evidence that real, physical adepts visited Olcott, Blavatsky and other
Theosophists in New York City, Amritsar, Lahore and Jammu?
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